It’s not easy being an options trader, like Rick Santelli has been for much of his adult life. You have to be smart and sharp and tough. And you still can fail on a regular basis. It’s called taking risk. Being, if you will, an entrepreneur. And most voters in 2016 do not care to take on too much risk. Especially, for example, when it comes to their homes and their jobs.

So when voters turn to Trump, as they did in large numbers in New Hampshire, they are asking the government to take a little of the risk out of their lives. The risks associated with competing for a job with a large illegal work force. The risks associated with taking out the wrong type of floating rate mortgage with too little downpayment, and losing one’s home, as a result of a counter-party crisis on Wall Street. The risks of having your skills become redundant as your former employer lays you off and outsources your job.

Have GOP voters turned their back on America’s unique quality of entrepreneurship? No, but they do want a revamp of the rules. Not every laid-off 45-year-old auto worker can pivot quickly to building a successful online business that actually pays his or her bills before they lose their home. Not every outsourced call center employee will find work that is equally well-paid. Or more accurately, that at least maintains their not-so-great wage level.

It should be remembered that Schumpeter – the Austrian-American thinker who coined the term creative destruction – did not view capitalism’s penchant for destroying the old to make way for the new as something healthy. He viewed it – in an extension of marxist critiques – as a self-destructive process that would sink capitalism. That he published the work during WW II’s darkest days in 1942, shows he was very much of his times.

Schumpeter was wrong of course, and his attack on capitalism was lustily turned into a defense of the creative genius that capitalism is capable of unleashing in human beings. But creative destruction produces – by definition – winners and losers. America’s challenge – as the living, beating heart of innovation around the globe – has always been how to incentivize creativity without unwarranted destruction.

So when Trump promises to make America Great (with a capital G) again, he’s promising a couple of things: to take away some of the risk that working families face from cheap labor competition inside America. And to take away some of the risk that American manufacturers face from less-regulated competition overseas. These are not necessarily mutually exclusive goals, but they can and will bump into each other over the following months.

To create a manufacturing revolution in America with the American worker at the center of it is an astonishingly ambitious goal and one that more than likely will be very difficult to achieve. Trump seems to have convinced workers – at least those in New Hampshire – that he can do it. Can he convince business?